Non-verbal communication and its possible threat to foreign language

One of the most common reasons to learn a language is travel, for knowing the native language of a new place can undoubtedly deepen one’s experience while there, whether it’s reading about the place’s history or contemporary culture, conversing with the locals, or hearing passing voices in the street.  For many, in fact, the relationship is actually inverted: travel is predicated by a desire to learn a foreign language.

That said, the majority of travelers to foreign places are not motivated by such desire, and have little interest in learning the language beyond in the most basic communicative sense. As many such travelers will attest, travel of this nature can be exciting, confusing and funny—sometimes, simultaneously.  It can also be, unfortunately, quite frustrating: from asking directions to ordering food in restaurants, this negative aspect often deters would-be travelers from going to places where unknown languages are spoken.

Globalization, though, and other forces, are motivating travel hotspots to work toward limiting this sense of frustration, to bridging the communication gap.  Besides the arguably preferred method of travel industry workers learning the most popular language(s) of their clients, cities and governments (above all) employ methods not rooted in traditional language.  We experience the most popular of these everyday, regardless if our location is domestic or foreign—that is, pictographs.  Ranging from road signs to product instructions, these seek to communicate information without words.

US National Park Service Pictographs

Some have suggested that pictographs, in fact, could have larger implications beyond an improved level of communication between speakers of different languages, that the rising use of visual units of communication might complicate future language predictions. This positions pictographs as rather innovative in nature.

But, two things to consider: first: pictographs have existed for thousands of years—they predate written and spoken language, according to many experts; and second: globalization in general and specifically some of its most integral tools—above all, the Internet—are not exclusively rooted in language.  What’s more, the language used is almost always brief. Like travelers who encounter foreign languages, so too are Internet users’ encounters with foreign languages necessarily fleeting and functional.  The language exposure may be wider, sure, but usually it is very shallow.

The Internet as a tool is notable here above all because it has become such a dominant one when researching and planning travel—and likewise while traveling, as both a reference and communication tool, for most.  It, along with pictographs and other travel tools that seek to limit foreigners’ linguistic frustrations, might be considered contradictory to foreign language acquisition.

Are these speculations extreme, unfounded, or does the increasing influence of non-language-rooted communication tools and methods indeed threaten whatever foreign language travel traditions existed before?

The translation of restaurant menus (or lack thereof) and its implications

As any person who’s traveled outside of his or her native country (or often dines in foreign-food restaurants) knows, the translation of food items names can vary widely, producing a diverse range of responses—excitement, confusion, humor and fear, among others.

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For foreign restaurants, it seems there are above all three options when it comes to written item translation.  The first and undoubtedly least common is to make little to no effort to translate item names and descriptions.  You’ll most often see this in restaurants that view translation as unnecessary, above all because of the restaurant’s location, i.e. its patrons, who ostensibly understand the foreign language or are familiar-enough with the items to not need translations of them.  Occasionally, though, you’ll encounter untranslated menus in particularly posh restaurants as well, motivated by something like staunch authenticity.

The second most common option is similarly extreme: every name and description is translated as literally and thoroughly as possible.  The most obvious motivation for this is to reach a wider audience, for with a complete lack of translation, patrons unfamiliar with the language and dishes might be less open to try the food.  Of course, this isn’t universally true, but it’s understandable that many people prefer to orient their food choices around ingredients/items they already know they like.  As a result of such exhausting translation, though—especially if the original language is erased completely—these restaurants will often retain a minimal sense of authenticity, and even repel those seeking a genuine meal from whatever region or culture supposedly represented.

Finally, there’s the moderate and most common option of providing translations in addition to the original menu language.  This may be considered an effort to both encourage and reciprocate the sort of open-mindedness the foreign patrons will demonstrate in dining at the restaurant.  There is no formula on how to appropriately achieve this balance, and the efforts undoubtedly vary, sometimes with hilarious results.  Whether by providing completely bilingual menus or simply retaining the original names of the dishes, these restaurants seek to provide authentic cuisine to as many people as possible.

This final option, though, raises some questions that go beyond the translation of food items, extending to the crux of translation in general: that is, above all, how does linguistic distance affect our understanding and experiencing of authenticity? Does translation in some ways work against true authentic experience?  An example: an Italian restaurant decides to start calling its manicotti Noodles Stuffed with Cheese and Meat and Covered with Tomato Sauce, but you know the recipe had been left completely untouched: would you feel as though the meal/restaurant/your experience had changed? If so, would that decrease the possible of your returning to the particular restaurant?

As a translator—regardless of what kind of texts—, are there are certain parts of language (besides names, perhaps) that you simply won’t translate? If so, what are they, and why do you refuse? Is it because you view it as impossible, or because doing so would cross some boundary of authenticity?

The meaning of ‘junar’

Argentine Spanish is strewn with words and colorful phrases from Lunfardo, a rich vocabulary born on the streets of Buenos Aires in the second half of the 19th century. Now considered a fixture of the Spanish language in Argentina (especially in and around Buenos Aires) and Uruguay, linguists cite the use of Lunfardo as a defining characteristic of the Rioplatense dialect. Add a dash of Argentine flavor to your Spanish vocabulary with the Transpanish blog’s ongoing feature highlighting some of the most frequently used terms in Lunfardo.

A popular lunfardo term is junar, a verb that is believed to have derived from the Romani language Caló of Spain and Portugal.   In this language, which has inspired many other lunfardo terms, junar means “to listen”. In modern use, though, the meaning has changed.

The first meaning may be described as “to watch” or “look”, although it is more specific than mirar or ver.  That is, junar is to look at someone in a roguish or even leering way.  Oftentimes, it can be used to describe a person’s excessively obvious/aggressive “romantic” gaze, e.g. Él te está junando “He is leering at you”.  Although it refers to a manner of looking in a specific time and space, it can also occasionally have implications beyond the particular instance.

The second meaning is basically synonymous with conocer, which also has a dual meaning—“to meet” or “to know”—though junar more closely compares to the later.  It can translate very directly to conocer in an example such as ¿Junás a María?
“Do you know María?” or less so in another, ¿Quién la juna a María?, which is a rather pejorative way to say that nobody knows María, or that she’s not worth knowing.

The third meaning may be considered a sort of extension of the first and second meanings.  That is, junar can be used both positivity and negatively with reference to a more essential characteristic or intention of a person—a characteristic beyond what is immediately, physically perceivable (e.g. a person’s manner of looking at).   A close common Spanish equivalent here might be a combination of conocer and entender.  Although it has a wider range of use than the first meaning, it commonly relates to romantic situations, e.g. La juna por la infidelidad “He/she knows she is unfaithful”.

It’s interesting to consider, first, how junar of lunfardo changed from the original form of “to listen” from Caló, and second, how the contemporary lunfardo meaning severed.  At what point did the division between listening and seeing begin to blur, or, was the change less organic, i.e. did the initial rioplantense user of it simply decide to do so in this new manner? Finally, the dual lunfardo meaning raises the question: at what point does a physical characteristic, such as a manner of looking at someone, become more than physical—that is, essential of a person?

The word junar turns up in the lyrics of the tango “Atenti Pebeta” by Ciciarco Ortiz and Celedonio Flores.

Cuando estés en la vereda y te fiche un bacanazo,
vos hacete la chitrula y no te le deschavés;
que no manye que estás lista al primer tiro de lazo
y que por un par de leones bien planchados te perdés.

Cuando vengas para el centro, caminá junando el suelo,
arrastrando los fanguyos y arrimada a la pared,
como si ya no tuvieras ilusiones ni consuelo,
pues, si no, dicen los giles que te han echao a perder.

Si ves unos guantes patito, ¡rajales!;
a un par de polainas, ¡rajales también!
A esos sobretodos con catorce ojales
no les des bolilla, porque 1e perdés;
a esos bigotitos de catorce líneas
que en vez de bigote son un espinel…
¡atenti, pebeta!, seguí mi consejo:
yo soy zorro viejo y te quiero bien.

Abajate la pollera por donde nace el tobillo,dejate crecer el pelo y un buen rodete lucí,
comprate un corsé de fierro con remaches y tornillos
y dale el olivo al polvo, a la crema y al carmín.Tomá leche con vainillas o chocolate con churros,
aunque estés en el momento propiamente del vermut.
Después comprate un bufoso y, cachando al primer turro,
por amores contrariados le hacés perder la salud.

The Language of the future: Chinese, English or Spanish?

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For most former, current or potential foreign language learners, one of the most important motivations for doing so involves the language’s future relevance—both as the language is being learned and afterward; in other words, the question of What will learning this language do for me?.  Of course, this varies from person to person—as do the more general, unintended circumstances of learning—, but some of the most common motivations include business competitiveness, immigration, travel, and personal study/improvement, among others.

Recent language growth trends shed some light on these motivations, i.e. who they propel to learn foreign languages—or, more importantly, which languages appeal most inclusively to the myriad relevancies and learning circumstances. Currently, the three most widely spoken languages are Chinese, Spanish and English, at 1.2 billion, 329 million and 328 million speakers, respectively.  Trends of the Internet, perhaps the most inclusive global communication device, are most useful to contextualizing the figures.  In 2000, there were roughly 34, 187 and 20 million online users of Chinese, English and Spanish, whereas in 2011 these numbers had risen to 509, 565 and 164 million.

Given its monumental rise in popularity, it seems that Chinese will likely be one language of the future—perhaps the language, i.e. that which comes to dwarf all others.  This is, of course, assuming that the Internet’s influence will continue to rise—to blur geographic boundaries—; for as it stands, Chinese’s geographic reach is far smaller than that of English and Spanish.

Related to this is the fact that traditional methods of language spread have been basically unaffected by the Internet—chief among them, immigration.  The United States is a prominent example: each year, 700 thousand to one million people legally migrate to the country, and over half of these come from Spanish-speaking countries.  Of the estimated 300 thousand undocumented immigrants that arrive each year, the percentage is even higher.  Whether intentional or not, this results in a massive rise of both English and Spanish in the U.S., a process not matched by Chinese beyond its originating region.  Besides, the process inevitably transfers and acquires more than just language: there is the speakers’ community and culture too, which further motivates and gives relevance to the learners’ efforts.

Because of nations such as the U.S., with their large populations of native Spanish speakers, native English speakers, and bilingual speakers living closely together, some believe that one language of the future might be more fully developed variant of Spanglish.  Considering this alongside the Internet’s seemingly indefinite growth, it’s not difficult to imagine a sort of mutant world language combining not only English and Spanish, but also Chinese, among others.

What do you think? Will the Internet, immigration, and other forces ultimately homogenize languages, or will the majority of popular languages maintain their numbers and continue to thrive independently?

How much should be spent on immigration translation?

Immigration translation is no doubt an important effort for any country with immigrants, as many arrive with little to no knowledge of the national language.  By translating to a variety of languages, countries ease the already difficult process of immigration, lesson the sense of isolation and confusion.  As a result, immigrants are likely to feel more welcomed, and be more interested in integrating linguistically into society in a positive way.

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Although exactly what is translated varies widely, in the vast majority of cases, who does the translating does not: that is, the government, usually with the massive aid of tax revenue.  While many support this system—see it as a valid nationwide effort to encourage immigration and diversity—there are many who do not, especially when the effort is not as successful as it should be. Moreover, many feel that an important aspect of immigration is learning the official language(s) of the new country.

These positions considered, immigration translation becomes more than a simple question of economics; rather, it is one of national linguistic identity.  On the one extreme hand, a country could nationalize one language, and make little to no effort to translate it to a variety of others—at least, using tax revenue.  This wouldn’t necessary discourage immigration, but rather, that immigrants would learn the official language either before arriving, or make concentrated efforts to do so once they had arrived.  The “sink or swim” method, this would have many consequences, both positive and negative, that aren’t difficult to predict.

On the other extreme hand, a country could expend massive amounts of money and effort on translating as diversely and extensively as possible.  This would be highly inclusive, ostensibly allowing immigrants to live in the country without ever having to learn the official language.  Granted, many immigrants live in this manner today, but the difference in this scenario would be that the language of these minority groups could, over time, rise to comparable levels of popularity as the initial “official” language(s).  A positive aspect of this scenario would be a massive rise in demand for translators, at least initially.  A negative aspect would be an increasing linguistic division within a nation, and widespread communication difficulties.

As a result, most nations have tried to avoid such extremes, providing some immigration translation so as to be inclusive but, ultimately, resisting sustained efforts that might threaten national language dominance.

As a translator, have you worked exclusively within such a moderate approach, or within extreme ones as well?  Furthermore, how important is physical location to your work, i.e. does remote work allow a translator to escape the various pitfalls of extreme immigration translation approaches?

Dubbing vs. subtitles: a translation rupture

If translation is an effort in faithful recreation, a translator must consider as thoroughly as possible the medium of the source, its essence, and work toward achieving it as the foundation of the translation.  For a written text, this can seem (deceptively) simple, for written language has a static quality once on the page, supposedly, distinct from its author.  One simply needs to reproduce the language and tone.

subtitles

But with films or television, this “recreation of essence” is not such a seemingly straightforward endeavor, as the words are real voices originating from real, visible people. A crucial decision must be made: whether to dub the voices or add subtitles.

The first option is a sort of usurpation, while the second is a concession.  To dub is to fundamentally alter the work, to silence true voices for others that cannot escape artificiality.  It suggests that “meaning” is distinct from that which makes it, and implies that meaning or content is translation’s most important aim.  It denies voice. It understands translation as static, to be inevitably achieved.

Subtitling, on the other hand, takes a markedly different view of translation.  For these translators, the speaker is essentially linked with his or her spoken words (as an author with his or her written words) and thus, any translation that replaces it with another is an inherent failure.

However, there are of course more practical questions to be considered, as most viewers, regardless of the particular TV program or film, won’t likely be concerned with the issues above.  Above all, it becomes a question of enjoyment, and although enjoyment varies, translators have generally worked toward translations that will be enjoyed by as many people as possible.

In the Americas, the vast majority of foreign films are not dubbed for theatrical release, although many are afterward released on DVD in both dubbed and subtitled versions. In Spanish-speaking countries, most foreign language TV programs are dubbed and highly popular, whereas the U.S. above all rarely shows foreign language programs. Those that are shown are normally not dubbed or subtitled, as they are expected to appeal to a small and highly specific audience.

What do these trends suggest about the regions’ ideas and opinions of television/film entertainment, foreign languages, culture exchange, and translation?  Should they be criticized, and if so, what is a better alternative?  Among all of this, what are the responsibilities of the translator?  What aim(s) should he or she strive toward?

The origin of “troll”

For most English speakers, the word troll, out of context, most commonly registers as a noun, perhaps due to the striking imagery it elicits.  Cue short, hideous monster-men hiding under a bridge, waiting to capture unknowing passersby.  The horror of this imagery is no doubt why the word most strikes us in this manner—as a noun— but the specificity of it contributes too.  That is, as a contemporary noun, troll’s imagery does not vary, although historically it has.

For instance, in the early to mid nineteenth century, troll (along with its alternate spelling, trowl) was a sort of drinking song that could be repeated indefinitely.  Even earlier (1570-1670), it was used to describe a wheel.  The connection between these two meanings is not a difficult for one to discern.  Save that they were used in England, the etymological origin of these varieties is unclear, which perhaps contributed to their diminished use and eventual obsolescence.

The surviving meaning, though, has clearer roots.  The Oxford English Dictionary describes troll as: “One of a race of supernatural beings formerly conceived as giants, now, in Denmark and Sweden, as dwarfs or imps, supposed to inhabit caves or subterranean dwellings.”  Early Scandinavian mythology has survived much like Greek mythology, and today transcends many languages and disciplines.  But of course, like with any language, some words simple do not translate.  The noun troll, it seems, is one such example.

Poster of Troll Movie

However, in contemporary context, troll is most commonly used as a verb.  This use likely originates from the Old French troller, a hunting term: “to quest, to go in quest of game, without purpose”.  Subsequent adapted use in Old English stripped the hunting imagery from the term, so that it could be applied to any sort of directionless rambling or movement.

Although Modern English has retained the traditional use in some cases (e.g. “to troll for fish”), it has also adapted it in an interesting manner that seems to incorporate the noun troll as well.  That is, to troll, in Internet speak, or to post deliberately antagonistic messages on chat boards or other forums, without any discernable goal besides disruption.  In this use, we have both the lack of direction and purpose, as well as the scary imagery of a troll, for such troll messages (or trolling) are often intentionally offensive and vicious.  In the same manner a troll a bridge snatches up victims, or a hunter or fisherman trolls for any and all game, so too are Internet trolls indiscriminate.

Image source: getsatisfaction.com

Singing is the best way to learn a new language

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If you want to learn a language, music is the answer. According to a study, carried out a few years ago by French investigator Daniel Schön and his team, singing and listening to songs helps people to learn new languages.

The study went a long way to proving that foreign language students are more likely to learn a new language much faster and much more effectively if they are taught through music and song. It appears that those students who are only encouraged to practice their language skills through general conversation and ordinary speech won’t reach the same levels of success as quickly as their singing counterparts.

Schön and his team conducted an experiment which focused on the use of the following made-up words, Gimysy, Mimosi, Pogysi, Pymiso, Sipygy y Sysipi. The words, which have no meaning, were repeatedly spoken over and over again for the duration of seven minutes into a recording device. The recording was then played back to a group of 26 native French speakers who were asked, at the end of the recording, to identify the words that they had heard and could remember from the recording.

The activity proved to be a complete flop, as predicted, with the entire group of 26 racking their brains, trying to remember the words they had heard as if they were actually trying to guess them from scratch.

Schön then played a second recording of these made-up words to a second set of 26 French speakers under the same conditions. The only difference was that the words were sung, using a clear intonation throughout, in the second recording. At the end of the second period of seven minutes, 64% of the second group of 26 French speakers were able to remember, identify and repeat the words that they had heard.

Schön and his team believe that humans use the same part of the brain when listening to music that we use to learn a language. There’s something about the characteristics of musical intonation and rhythms which help us to learn languages much faster and more effectively.

So, next time you think about studying a foreign language, make your first language study activity a musical one.

Globalization and translation rates

In general, globalization is highly beneficial to the translation industry, as the ¨geographic¨ (one of many applicable adjectives) expansion of people/culture/industry is closely linked to the acquisition of new languages or, at least, the need to communicate effectively in foreign languages. Thus, a rising demand for translations and translators.

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It may be said that native English-speaking translators have benefited most from the phenomenon, as the economic prominence of many English-speaking nations has catalyzed a new need for English in various realms; but, as globalization persists, the perceived need for such translators wanes. That is, the advent of so many new English speakers has necessarily resulted in a greater number of translators who, either due to economic circumstances (i.e. location) or a perceived (or admitted) imperfect command of English, charge significantly less for their translation services. Of course, among them are the many with complete English mastery. Although in most cases clients would still prefer native English speakers for obvious reasons, the low cost alternative sometimes trumps all.

How, then, should native English translators, as well as native translators of any language experiencing rapid growth, adjust to these changes? One option is to maintain (or even increase) current translation rates and justify them with the indeed crucial fact that non-native speakers rarely translate as effectively as natives, that language primacy is undeniably superior. In other words, promote these services as a worthy investment, e.g. “if you want to communicate as effectively and authentically as possible, you should invest in the most authentic and effective services available”.

Another option, though, is to adjust to these lowered rates and rethink service promotion. Many native translators have chosen this route, and through various innovative market strategies that above all incorporate the Internet, have emerged successful.

This latter group of course threatens the former, if a client is able to pay less for comparable translations by a native speaker, he or she will obviously do so. In time, then, it seems likely that many traditionalists will follow suit. And perhaps they should, for if the rates were to standardize, native translators would ostensibly reemerge as the preferred option. This could ultimately catalyze a new era of increased rates, and thus a new era of success.

Are you a translator? Did you have to lower your rates due to globalization? Tell us your story!

Difficulties of ‘sounding right’ when learning English or Spanish as a second language

When learners of any non-native language reach a level of intermediate-to-advanced comprehension, new preoccupations emerge.  In English, we might describe one of these as “speaking so it sounds right”, but of course the crux of this—“sounds”—is not so simple as the statement suggests.

languages sounds

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One obvious sort of “sound” is pronunciation, the predictable ways of saying vowels and consonants.  For native English speakers learning Spanish, this is above all an effort of repetition, as the pronunciation of all vowels and (most) consonants is fixed.  Once you learn the patterns, you’ve just got to practice.  There are several variations, though; for example, the pronunciation of ll and y.

For native Spanish speakers learning English, however, the process is not so simple.  Although Spanish, like English, varies from region to region, these varieties are, once learned, predictable.  Pronunciation variance only truly exists for Spanish speakers who are exposed to multiple Spanish-speaking regions.  This is not the case for English, whose pronunciation system is fundamentally varied.  An easy example is the pronunciation of the a in cat versus that in cape.  The “rules” are complex and imperfect and, to an extent, mastering pronunciation is a process of trial-and-error.

Another sort of “sound” is the rhythm or isochrony of a language, and with this both English and Spanish learners struggle.  For native English speakers learning Spanish, the language can seem faster than their mother tongue, whereas for native Spanish speakers learning English, the latter can seem slower or unpredictable.  Again, a fundamental difference emerges here: Spanish is “syllable-timed”, and English is “stress-timed”.

Basically, in Spanish, all of the syllables should take the same amount of time to say.   Because the frequency varies from speaker to speaker (and from time period to time period), it is not accurate to generalize Spanish as a “faster” language.  In English, syllables last different amounts of time, but without any sort of diacritical indicators.  This is an understandably complicated system for many native Spanish speakers.   Ostensibly, one could perfectly understand written English without having the slightest idea of how to correctly read it aloud.

However, it’s also worth noting that these categorizations are imperfect—most notably with respect to the syllable breakdown in Spanish.  In poetry especially, but in everyday speech as well, Spanish often exhibits elision, or the limiting or even complete omission of syllables.  This most commonly occurs in the present perfect form; for example, when saying he elegido (I have chosen), likely the first two syllables would be nearly synthesized to one.  This is understandably difficult for non-native Spanish speakers to recognize in speech, let alone authentically reproduce.

Keeping these aspects of sound in mind, both English and Spanish learners will be able to not only speak more correctly, but improve their listening comprehension skills.  Furthermore, reading in the second language will achieve new texture, for the voices—be they of particular characters or the narrator—will begin to resonate on more than a visual level.

When learners of any non-native language reach a level of intermediate-to-advanced comprehension, new preoccupations emerge.  In English, we might describe one of these as “speaking so it sounds right”, but of course the crux of this—“sounds”—is not so simple as the statement suggests.

One obvious sort of “sound” is pronunciation, the predictable ways of saying vowels and consonants.  For native English speakers learning Spanish, this is above all an effort of repetition, as the pronunciation of all vowels and (most) consonants is fixed.  Once you learn the patterns, you’ve just got to practice.  There are several variations, though; for example, the pronunciation of ll and y. 

For native Spanish speakers learning English, however, the process is not so simple.  Although Spanish, like English, varies from region to region, these varieties are, once learned, predictable.  Pronunciation variance only truly exists for Spanish speakers who are exposed to multiple Spanish-speaking regions.  This is not the case for English, whose pronunciation system is fundamentally varied.  An easy example is the pronunciation of the a in cat versus that in cape.  The “rules” are complex and imperfect and, to an extent, mastering pronunciation is a process of trial-and-error. 

Another sort of “sound” is the rhythm or isochrony of a language, and with this both English and Spanish learners struggle.  For native English speakers learning Spanish, the language can seem faster than their mother tongue, whereas for native Spanish speakers learning English, the latter can seem slower or unpredictable.  Again, a fundamental difference emerges here: Spanish is “syllable-timed”, and English is “stress-timed”. 

Basically, in Spanish, all of the syllables should take the same amount of time to say.   Because the frequency varies from speaker to speaker (and from time period to time period), it is not accurate to generalize Spanish as a “faster” language.  In English, syllables last different amounts of time, but without any sort of diacritical indicators (i.e. link to http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diacritic).  This is an understandably complicated system for many native Spanish speakers.   Ostensibly, one could perfectly understand written English without having the slightest idea of how to correctly read it aloud. 

However, it’s also worth noting that these categorizations are imperfect—most notably with respect to the syllable breakdown in Spanish.  In poetry especially, but in everyday speech as well, Spanish often exhibits elision, or the limiting or even complete omission of syllables.  This most commonly occurs in the present perfect form; for example, when saying he elegido (I have chosen), likely the first two syllables would be nearly synthesized to one.  This is understandably difficult for non-native Spanish speakers to recognize in speech, let alone authentically reproduce. 

Keeping these aspects of sound in mind, both English and Spanish learners will be able to not only speak more correctly, but improve their listening comprehension skills.  Furthermore, reading in the second language will achieve new texture, for the voices—be they of particular characters or the narrator—will begin to resonate on more than a visual level.